Centad LOGO
  
   Home      RSS/XML Feed      Contact      Site Map      Donation  
ABOUT CENTAD MEDIA & NETWORK PROGRAMMES DEMYSTIFYING TRADING PUBLICATION

Tariff Cuts will impact Labour Intensive Industries

Centad: Given the fact that trade in industrial goods still constitutes an important component of global trade, in your view, will reduction in the tariff rates from the present level, result in better market access for the products of developing countries into the markets of developed countries?

Rudi Dicks: Market access will not likely be the case for many developing countries. A recent report from the World Bank estimates that projected welfare gains from concluding the Doha Round would be less than $ 16 billion (0.2% of the national income of all developing countries put together). This means the estimated global gains in 2015 would be $ 96 billion, with only $ 16 billion going towards the developing world. In any event, these gains are expected to benefit a few developing countries such as Brazil and China. In contrast, industrial tariff losses in NAMA are expected to be at least $ 63 billion, including real declines in the relative value of exports.

Secondly, the unequal rate of exchange in the current round will make it impossible for developing countries to gain any trade benefit. The current NAMA text fails to take into consideration one of the fundamental principles of the Round and that is the principle of less than full reciprocity (LTFR). While developed countries are expected to reduce their tariffs by less than 25 percent, on the other hand developing countries will see average reductions in excess of 60 percent of industrial tariffs.

Much of the tariff cuts will be in industries that are relatively labour intensive or where there is an active industrial policy initiative intended to support growth, economic development and employment creation.

Centad: One of the important modalities in the NAMA negotiations is related to the tariff reduction formulas. In this light, do you think that the present architecture of the tariff reduction formula, where the coefficients in the formula are linked to the flexibilities that a developing country may enjoy, is appropriate to take into account various concerns of developing countries?

Rudi Dicks: As unions, we have always objected to the current NAMA formulation of tariff reductions. This relates to the unequal rate of exchange between NAMA and agriculture. Why is there for agriculture an average tariff (Uruguay Round type cut) formulae cut and in NAMA a simple Swiss Coefficient formulae cut? The Swiss coefficient or simple Swiss coefficient is unlike any other tariff reduction formula negotiated. With the Swiss coefficient, we will see tariff reductions on a line by line basis not only of bound rates but deep cuts in applied rates. This means that every tariff line is affected, unless of course the country opts for one of the flexibility arrangements that allows for exemption from a total cut on a very limited number of sensitive lines.

This to me indicates that the concessions or in this case limited concessions, which the developed countries are prepared to make in agriculture, must be paid for through NAMA. Ultimately, developing countries will have to bear the massive cost of adjustment (loss of jobs and industries) when industrial tariffs are significantly reduced, while on the other hand, developed countries will continue to provide the significant protection and subsidies to farmers in Europe, USA and Japan.

Here in lies the conundrum. It is very unlikely that any outcome based on the Swiss coefficient/s, given the past and current NAMA text, would provide developing countries a good outcome that supports a round which is intended to be developmental and secondly, supports the principle of LTFR. If developed countries stick to these principles then a Swiss coefficient of 140 and more would be required and not in the range of 19-26 for developing countries, as suggested by the NAMA chair.

Centad: Developing countries have argued in the present negotiations that developed countries are not honouring the principle of LTFR. What in your view is the principle of LTFR and how this principle should be operationalised in the present negotiations?

Rudi Dicks: I have provided some insight into the principle earlier, but in essence the principle means developing countries, least developed countries (LDCs), and small and vulnerable economies (SVE) cannot be expected to take the same level of reduction in tariff cuts, whether in agriculture or industry, as developed countries. This is an important principle since it recognises that all countries do not have the same level of development. In reality, developed countries are more developed. Their development was historically and still is based on a very active and supportive state. In fact, their development was based on the very same principles that developing countries are arguing for today – central to all, our national, economic and development agenda should be driven by local conditions that support a re-distributive growth strategy and reduce poverty and unemployment.

The NAMA proposals will severely limit the ability of developing countries to develop, reduce poverty and create jobs. Trade will now determine our national developmental objectives or policy development instead of our national policy interventions, determining a more acceptable trade negotiated outcome.

The LTFR principle would, in my view, mean developing countries cannot be expected to take a larger cut in industrial tariffs than developed countries. This implies that a higher coefficient would be required for developing countries, including a higher degree of flexibilities against adverse impacts of tariff reductions where there are more sensitive tariff lines.

Centad: How significant are the negotiations on the issue of sectorals? Should developing countries, in your view, negotiate on sectorals along with the other modalities?

Rudi Dicks: This is voluntary as I understand it but more recently the recommendation emerging from a text prepared by Pascal Lamy during the July Ministerial, promotes greater flexibilities to developing countries who participate in the sectoral processes. This is preposterous when one considers that no agreement can be reached on fundamental areas of the NAMA text. How can countries proceed to sectorals on this basis? It seems fairly clearly that the strategy of sectorals is intended to undermine the strong views of many developing countries, including the NAMA 11 on rejecting the NAMA proposal. As unions, we have always voiced our opposition to sectorals.

Centad: In the NAMA negotiations, the focus always remains on the tariff reduction formula and as a result, non-tariff barriers are not discussed fully. How, in your view, the present round of negotiations is focusing on the issue of non-tariff barriers, especially the barriers that developing countries face in the developed countries market?

Rudi Dicks: Dealing with non-tariff barriers is certainly a pertinent area of the negotiations. Many of us tend to focus on the key, but important issues and forget about non-tariff barriers. We may wish for a good deal on market access for our goods, but then encounter a number of significant barriers, rules and regulations that prohibit the entry of our industrial goods into developed country markets under the guise of a risk to health and safety, not meeting standards etc. These nontariff barriers pose a significant threat to our export markets. So while we may gain access to developed country markets through the support we provide to our local industries, we will continue to struggle in gaining “real” access because existing or new non-tariff barriers are erected continuously that are unnecessary, onerous and prohibit trade.

Rudi Dicks is the Director of the National Labour and Economic Development Institute (NALEDI), Johannesburg, South Africa and can be contacted at rudi@naledi.org.za

 
top
 Print this Article
  Email this page 
 Archives 

 
 
  More Focus Articles  
Impending Food and Development Crisis: Lessons Still not Learnt
GM Food and Precautionary Approach - Thoughts to Ponder.
Gender Dimension of Unorganised Manufacturing Sector in India
The Doha Deal: High optimism can be risky
Copenhagen Climate Treaty Draft: A welcome intervention towards a meaningful Copenhagen Summit
Draft Report on ‘Trade Sustainability Impact Assessment Study of the EU-India FTA’ (ECORYS): A review from the Indian Perspective
Summary of Commerce Secretary’s Speech Expressing Serious Concerns over Generic Seizures and Anti-counterfeiting campaigns against Indian Pharmaceutical Products
Fake Drugs in India: Points to Ponder
Global Financial Crisis: Implications for India
The Legal and Policy Rationale of Pre-grant Patent Oppositions in India
Indo-EU Free Trade Agreements:Opportunities and Challenges for Indian Telecommunication Sector
The Differentiation COP Ends with Indecisions and Big Questions
Heavy Dependence on Trade for Food can prove Dangerous
It is Time to find Durable Solutions to Food Crisis
Economists Call for Deep Reforms of Global Financial System
India to Demand Greater Resource Allocation towards Climate Change
North-South Differences Marked the Opening Days of Climate Talks
Core Component of Patents System for Better Health
‘AAA’ matters, be it Finance or Food!
Critique on Public Funded R&D Project Bill: Indian version of US Bayh Dole Act
Dying Skill and Starving Weavers: The crisis of Banarasi Handloom
Do imports cool off or fuel food prices?
A Better Agricultural Text: still a long way
The Slippery Slope of Negotiations at the IGWG on Public Health, Innovation and Intellectual Property
Soaring world food prices and volatility: Can trade break the jinx?
Volatility in Food prices: Futures caused the market manipulation
Exchange Rate Instability & Exporters: Reflection on trade policy
Future climate negotiations: Role of civil societies
SPS-related Market Access Barriers in the EU: India Must Address its Concerns under the Proposed FTA
Draft Anti-Dumping Agreement – Critique of Selected Issues
A Balanced Development Round in Agriculture still a distant dream
Diversifying Indian Machine tool Production: Key to Sustainable Trade Competitiveness
Draft NAMA Modalities Text: Development Concerns Still Remain Neglected
The Novartis case
Novartis’ response: A reality check
Agriculture sector policy must be coherent with trade policy: Prabhu Pingali
Strengthening and enforcing anti-trust law can make a difference: Alexandra Spieldoch
The Draft Modalities Text on NAMA: A Critique
Indian cotton farmers face deeper crisis
South Asia needs to adopt best practices in regulation: Saman Kelegama
Developed countries are playing duck-and-dive: Yash Tandon
Towards a smoother transition to organic farming
Compulsory licensing: Suggestions for change
Special Economic Zones: padding gains, discounting losses
Aid-for-trade: Bonanza for consultants, nothing for development: J Michael Finger
Aid-for-trade: Country ownership crucial: Miguel Rodriguez Mendoza
Least development-friendly outcomes expected from NAMA negotiations
TRIPS-related issues of the Doha Work Programme
Impasse in agriculture negotiations: lack of process and substance
Mashelkar Committee report: A critique
S&DT for developing countries--New approach needed: Chandrakant Patel
Credibility of DSB seems reasonably well established: John H Jackson
Developing countries disadvantaged in the WTO: Prof B S Chimni
The WTO and protectionism -- Back to the future?
RTAs and BTAs present many challenges: Jo Leadbeater
North-South RTAs reinforce existing inequalities: Jayati Ghosh
Data exclusivity: Public interest must be kept before profit
Use of biological resources or Traditional Knowledge: Additional disclosure proposed
Special products flexibility a legitimate demand
Linking sensitive products with special products is like comparing oranges with apples
The death of the ABI alliance
Indian cotton farming at the crossroads
 
 
Centre for Trade & Development |A1/304 Safdarjung Enclave| New Delhi 110029
Tel: +91-11-41459226 Fax: +91-11–41459227
© Copyright 2005-10 Centad | Disclaimer
Registered under Societies Act as Consortium for
Trade and Development